Alina Garkova, EurAc: EU diplomatic stalemate in Central Africa falls victim to its own inconsistent policies
The director of the Europe-Central Africa Network speaks to Cross-border Talks about the conflict in the Great Lakes region, the EU’s foreign policy and the role of NGOs in all this
Alina Garkova is the Director of the Europe-Central Africa Network (EurAc). She previously represented the European Network of Political Foundations (ENoP), ensuring consensus and political dialogue across party lines. Her areas of expertise are European development cooperation policies, democracy support and human rights protection.
Could you present your organisation, its activity in both the EU and Central Africa?
The Europe-Central Africa Network (EurAc), established in 2003, is an umbrella organisation of over 30 NGOs, working on and in the Great Lakes region (with a focus on the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Rwanda & Burundi). The long-standing relations of trust that our members maintain with local civil society partners allow us to access first-hand insights into the dynamics within individual countries, but also within the region as a whole.
In our work, we apply a holistic approach that focuses both on individual policies and on the relationships between them, as well as the tendencies that they create. We look into issues related to peace and security, good governance, rule of law, protection of human rights, electoral cycles, as well the exploitation and supply chain of natural resources. By examining the interconnectedness between these elements, we provide a multidimensional picture of the developments in the region. This helps us identify structural patterns that undermine the efforts to build lasting peace and stability.
A guiding principle in our work is the notion of international solidarity. This principle is also deeply enshrined in the core values of the EU and its development cooperation policies. In today’s globalised world, an emerging conflict in one country or region cannot be perceived as an isolated issue, but as a common threat, be it closer or further away from our own borders. This is why building international partnerships on eye-level cooperation, fairness, and shared responsibility, is crucial.
What are EurAc’s achievements so far?
In this context, when it comes to achievements in a more global sense, we see our role as a bridge-builder and mediator between civil society actors on the one hand, and the institutions of the European Union, on the other. More concretely, the mandate of our network is to bring the voices and concerns of local communities from the Great Lakes region to the level of the European Union and its institutions that are the ones tailoring policies for the region. By bringing the two actors together, we offer a broader perspective on the dynamics in the region, that helps the EU make more informed decisions and build coherent policies that affect directly the countries and populations of the Great Lakes. This approach facilitates political dialogue, it helps to build consensus and overcome political polarisation.
We also trust that each country and region has its own specificities and thus we cannot apply a one-size-fits-all approach. We need tailored policies. In this context, we consider as an achievement the recent appointment of an EU Special Representative (EUSR) for the Great Lakes. The restoration of this high-level diplomatic position shows the importance of the region for Europe and its attempt to adapt its policies to the realities on the ground.
Since the capture of Goma by the M23 on January 31st, we have worked intensively with our members and their partners to call on the EU decision-makers to take immediate actions, given the urgent humanitarian and security situation in the East of the DRC.
The European Parliament’s vote on a joint resolution (on February 13th, 2025) addressing the escalating violence in the DRC (nearly three years after its last resolution on the country) demonstrates that our efforts are paying off. The final text includes several of our key recommendations, linked to actions aimed at restoring peace. It is however up to the European Commission to now formalise the actions, proposed by the Parliament.
Following the capture of Goma, the capital of North Kivu, by M23 rebels and the Rwanda army, you have come out with a statement against human rights violations but also one that criticises “the failure of the European diplomacy in the face of the crisis”. What are the EU interests in Central Africa and in what ways has the European diplomacy failed in this specific crisis?
The Great Lakes region and in particular the DRC has been marked by conflict and instability for decades. The presence of different armed groups, convicted of human rights abuses, cannot be neglected. It has contributed to a climate of perpetual instability in the region. Nevertheless, this should not be used as an excuse by the international community to neglect the acts committed by the M23 rebels, supported by Rwandan forces, that have breached international law by infringing the territorial integrity of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC).
With the capture of Goma by the M23 in the past weeks, the situation took a new turn, with both the security and humanitarian situations deteriorating further, threatening to take the dimensions of a regional conflict. This is why our network intensified the efforts to alarm the international community about the potential spillover risks.
It is also important to highlight that the Great Lakes region has always been perceived as an important priority for the EU due to its geographic position, its historical ties, but also its abundance of natural resources. However, given today’s complex geopolitical context with multiplying conflicts around the globe, the swift developments and red flags in the region remained in the periphery for decision-makers, despite the alerts from civil society. At the same time, the EU continued to pursue its strategic interests in the region linked to the supply of critical minerals and natural resources, necessary for its green transition.
In February 2024, the EU announced the signature of a MoU on critical raw materials with Rwanda. This announcement came at a time when Rwanda was already condemned for its support to the M23 rebels, a group known for its human rights abuses and illicit trafficking of natural resources from the DRC. Unsurprisingly, this act of the EU was perceived by local communities as a sign of complicity in the plundering of the DRC’s natural resources.
Another striking example was the EU’s decision from December 2024 to provide military and security assistance to Rwanda in the amount of 20 million EUR under the European Peace Facility (EPF) in support of the deployment of its troops in Mozambique. While this decision does not appear directly linked to the situation in DRC, local and international civil society organisations have repeatedly alerted the EU about the potential consequences of such a political decision on regional stability. We feared that in the absence of effective monitoring mechanisms, there is no guarantee that this aid would not be redirected to support M23, thus exacerbating an already dire security and humanitarian situation.
This duality in the EU’s actions has deeply compromised the Union’s diplomatic efforts in the region and led to questioning the consistency of its policies and values.
In 2024 the UK was contemplating upon sending asylum seekers in Rwanda. What is the significance of this country within the region? And what is the international significance of the conflict that goes within Central Africa between different states, military groups and other stakeholders?
Over the past years, we have heard not only the UK, but also other European leaders project ideas of close collaboration with Rwanda on migration policies with the aim to reallocate migrant quotas from Europe to Rwanda in a bid of nationalistic discourses, and as a partial solution to the migration influx to Europe.
The UK has even gone further by signing a migration and economic development partnership with Rwanda in 2022 according to which persons identified as illegal immigrants or asylum seekers would have been relocated to Rwanda for processing, asylum and resettlement.
However, the Court of Appeal ruled out in 2023 that this measure was unlawful, and later on the cooperation was dropped. Nevertheless, similar ideas that are in clear contradiction with the international law on human rights, have also run across some EU member-states, especially with the rise of populist and migrant-skeptic rhetorics. From our perspective, such ideas are dangerous and counterproductive, especially given the EU’s claim of following a line of value-based international cooperation policy.
Furthermore, there are close ties and allegedly good cooperation between Rwanda and several EU member states, among which France and Portugal, who value its strategic support against terrorist groups in Mozambique. This further complexifies the strategic positioning of the EU vis-à-vis the ongoing conflict in the East DRC and the role of Rwanda in it.
Overall, our discussions with EU policymakers reveal that Rwandan diplomacy has been highly effective in convincing international partners of its reliability and the efficiency of its administration, solidifying its position as a strategic actor.
What has been the relationship of your network and its members and allies in the last few years with the EU decision makers and the EU institutions?
EurAc has always been in close contact with the institutions of the European Union, bringing expertise from the ground and trying to contribute to a constructive and participative process in shaping the EU’s policies.
Our main criticism has been the insufficiency of clear and transparent mechanisms to engage all affected parties when developing EU policies for the region. Often, it is civil society that has the least access to decision-making processes, while it is one of the main actors possessing insights into the local and regional dynamics, the risks and challenges ahead.
Nevertheless, the EU remains an important partner in our work. The values of democracy, human rights protection and international solidarity, enshrined in the European project, are what distinguishes it from other global actors. It is therefore important to remain true to those values, and this is also where we, as civil society, see our role – to keep the institutions accountable.
The EU and some of its member-states have deep historical ties with countries from the Great Lakes region and share those values. This is why we call for a stronger commitment to lasting peace, stability and sustainable development which must translate into concrete actions.
What is the path forward for Central Africa and for the EU relations with it which your organisation and your members and partners advocate for?
First of all, it is important that the EU not only condemns the actions of M23 and all actors involved in the conflict, but also takes concrete actions to show that the international community stands behind its commitment to peace, long-term stability and human rights protection, to show that there are no double standards in the face of conflicts, be it closer or further away from our own borders.
The resolution adopted by the EU on February 13th is a positive step in this direction.
The final and lasting solution to the conflict in the DRC and in the region should come from the actors in the region itself. Nevertheless, the diplomatic support of the EU and the international community remains crucial in providing mediation and showing a firm stance regarding the non-respect of international law.
This will eventually help the EU rebuild trust with its partners in the region and pave the way for more open and equal cooperation.
Photo: Alina Garkova, Brussels (source: Alina Garkova)
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